A: In the first edition, the one that was recalled and shredded, I looked in
State Department lists for '52 and '53 when Bradlee was serving as a press
attache supposedly in the American embassy in Paris. This was during the
Marshall Plan when the United States over in Europe had hundreds of
thousands of people making an intensive effort to keep Western Europe from
going Communist. Bradlee wanted to be part of that effort. So he was over in
the American embassy in Paris and the embassy list had these letters after
his name that said USIE. And I asked the State Department what that meant
and it said United States Information Exchange. It was the forerunner of the
USIA, the United States Information Agency. It was the propaganda arm of the
embassy. They produced propaganda that was then disseminated by the CIA all
over Europe. They planted newspaper stories. They had a lot of reporters on
their payrolls. They routinely would produce stories out of the embassy and
give them to these reporters and they would appear in the papers in Europe.
It's very important to understand how influential newspaper stories are to
people because this is what people think of as their essential source of
facts about what is going on. They don't question it, and even if they do
question it they have nowhere else to go to find out anything else. So
Bradlee was involved in producing this propaganda. But at that point in the
story I didn't know exactly what he was doing.I published the first book just saying that he worked for USIE and
that this agency produced propaganda for the CIA. He went totally crazy
after the book came out. One person who knew him told me then that he was
going all up and down the East Coast having lunch with every editor he could
think of saying that it was not true, he did not produce any propaganda. And
he attacked me viciously and he said that I had falsely accused him of being
a CIA agent. And the reaction was totally out of proportion to what I had
said.
Q: You make a good point in the book that other people who have had similar kinds of--I don't even know if you want to call them accusations--but reports that they in some way cooperated with the CIA in the '5Os, that the times were different and people were expected to do that kind of thing out of a sense of patriotism and they blow it off.
A: That's right. People say, yeah, this is what I did back then, you know. But Bradlee doesn't want to be defined that way because, I don't know, somehow he thinks it's just too revealing of him, of who he is. He doesn't want to admit a true fact about his past because somehow he doesn't want it known that this is where he came from. Because this is the beginning of his journalistic career. This is how he made it big.
Subsequent to my book being shredded in 1979, early 1980, I got some documents through the Freedom of Information Act and they revealed that Bradlee had been the person who was running an entire propaganda operation against Julius and Ethyl Rosenberg that covered forty countries on four continents. He always claimed that he had been a low level press flack in the embassy in Paris, just a press flack, nothing more. Julius and Ethyl Rosenberg had already been convicted of being atomic spies and they were on death row waiting to be executed. And the purpose of Bradlee's propaganda operation was to convince the Europeans that they really were spies, they really had given the secret of the atomic bomb to the Russians and therefore they did deserve to be put to death.
The Europeans, having just very few years before defeated Hitler, were very concerned that the United States was going fascist the way their countries had. And this was a very real fear to the Europeans. They saw the same thing happening in the United States that had happened in their own countries. And so Bradlee used the Rosenberg case to say, "No this isn't what you think it is. These people really did this bad thing and they really do deserve to die. It doesn't mean that the United States is becoming fascist." So he had a very key role in creating European public opinion and it was very, very important. This was the key issue that was going to determine how the Europeans felt about the United States.
Some of the documents that I had showed him writing letters to the prosecutors of the Rosenbergs saying "I'm working for the head of the CIA in Paris and he wants me to come and look at your files." And this kind of thing. So in the second edition, which came out in 1987, I reprinted those documents, the actual documents, the readers can see them and it's got his signature and it's very, very interesting. He subsequently has said nothing about it at all. He won't talk about it all. He won't answer any questions about it. So I guess the point about Bradlee is that he went from this job to being European bureau chief for Newsweek magazine and to the executive editorship of the Post. So this is how he got where he is. It's very clear line of succession. Philip Graham was Katharine Graham's husband, who ran the Post in the '5Os and he committed suicide in 1963. That's when Katharine Graham took over. Bradlee was close friends with Allen Dulles and Phil Graham. The paper wasn't doing very well for a while and he was looking for a way to pay foreign correspondents and Allen Dulles was looking for a cover. Allen Dulles was head of the CIA back then and he was looking for a cover for some of his operatives so that they could get in and out of places without
arousing suspicion. So the two of them hit on a plan: Allen Dulles would pay
for the reporters and they would give the CIA the information that they
found as well as give it to the Post. So he helped to develop this operation and it subsequently spread to other newspapers and magazines. And it was called Operation Mockingbird. This operation, I believe, was revealed for the first time in my book.