Editor's Note: Kenn Thomas publishes Steamshovel Press, the conspiracy theory magazine. Four issue
subscription: $23; single issue: $6, from POB 23715, St. Louis, MO 63121. The Octopus: The Secret Government and the Death of Danny Casolaro (Feral House, 1995), written with the late Jim Keith, is also available. A revised and updated edition is scheduled for 2002 publication.The research of Danny Casolaro, the writer who died in Martinsberg, West Virginia while investigating an intelligence cabal called the Octopus, continues to contextualize current
events in ways that the mainstream media fail at daily.
At the start of the Clinton administration, Casolaro's work illuminated Vince Foster's death, when speculation began on how the banking systems got PROMIS, the software system so crucial to Casolaro's
research. PROMIS had been stolen from the Inslaw company by Ed Meese cronies in the US Justice department under Ronald Reagan, and its infamous "back door" - allowing the Octo-cronies to
spy on the clients that had bought PROMIS illegally. According
to one theory, Foster's Swiss bank accounts were made vulnerable
in this way and may have led to his suicide or murder.
Casolaro's name came up in the periphery again after the
Heaven's Gate cult incident when it became apparent that the last significant news from the area where the cult lived, Rancho Santa Fe near San Diego, involved the murders of Ian Spiro and his family. Spiro was a British intelligence spook who had been
helping Casolaro's main informant, the creator of the PROMIS back door, Michael Riconosciuto.
Finally, even the death of Princess Diana has a tentacle reaching back to the Octopus in the form of Adnan Khashoggi, Dodi
Fayed's uncle. Khashoggi's signature appeared on a document that had excited Casolaro on the day that he died. That very night he was to meet with someone named "Ibrahim" who would have shed more
light on Khashoggi's role in the Iran-contra scandal. Khashoggi is a notorious arms merchant responsible for developing supra-legal contracts that sustain Middle-East defense and oil
industry corruption. Those politics certainly play a role in whatever happened to Diana and Dodi Fayed in the Pont de I'Alma tunnel.
Of most interest to the desktop conspiracy student, however, is the ongoing development of PROMIS-like back doors that have been popping up to spy on average personal computer users. Rumor
had it that when the original versions of Windows 95 appeared, they contained a back door that surreptitiously read the user's hard drive and reported it back to Bill Gates.
The rumor came
with the story that pressing some key combination during the opening "clouds" screen of Windows 95 brought to the screen a photograph of a prized Palomino owned by Gates. The first draft
of Casolaro's book on the Octopus was entitled Behold, a Pale
Horve.
The back door feature ostensibly was removed from later
versions of Windows 95 and today it has a registration that does the same thing, only with the consent of the spied upon.
Presently there is no indication of how it works with the
pre-installed software often bought by many noncomputer-savvy people.
Encryption security and the Clipper chip--a "front door"
strategy for keeping tabs on the Intemet--became issues with the
general public. Philip Zimmerman used a public domain algorithm
to create the Pretty Good Privacy encryption software and publicized it freely, bringing that protection to the masses. However, even the cyberheads have trouble dealing with PROMIS-like phenomena that may not even exist. Back door access has enough obvious political espionage applications to ensure that the problem will never go away, and even some business managers still today claim the right to spy on worker e-mail. So, odd little PROMIS-like "back doors" keep sneaking on to the cyberscape.
In January 2000, a "glitch" in the protocol for
removing phone listings from the Yahoo site gave private address listings by punching in phone numbers. Glitches found in the Netscape browser in the mid 1990s, one that allowed Netscape to
extract the history of a user's session and another that subverted encryption/decryption operations, won $ 1,000 from a bug-bounty hunter group for two young hackers in Australia and
San Francisco. Perhaps it is not surprising that two years later -presumably long after it fixed these other bugs - Netscape awarded another thousand dollars plus a T-shirt to a Danish software company called Cabocomm when it discovered another glitch. This one allowed Web site operators to read anything stored on the hard-drive of a computer logged on to their site.
The biggest concern over these matters is the protection of credit card information on the Web/Net. Others throw up their hands and declare that they have nothing subversive on their hard drives, so there is no reason to be concerned about this espionage--despite the affront it poses to supposedly cherished democratic principles. Still others simply do not believe that the technological capacity exists to do these things, a supposition that has been mirrored in the discussion about PROMIS itself.
Daniel Brandt, producer of CIABase, and a renowned data engine on intelligence literature and personalities called NameBase, argued that "a 'back door' to get around password protection is easy for any programmer . . . [but] you still need physical access to the computer, either through a direct-connect terminal or remote terminal through the phone lines, in order to utilize back door. [It is difficult] to believe that foreigners allow technicians from another country to install new computer systems in the heart of their intelligence establishments, and don't even think to secure physical access to the system before they start entering their precious data . . . claims that PROMIS . . . can suck in every other database on earth, such as those used by utility companies, and correlate everything automatically . . . needlessly discredit [whistle blowers] by their own high-tech gullibility."
Bill Hamilton, the owner of Inslaw - the company that
originally developed PROMIS - maintained that it could run on "an UNIX machine, Hewlett Packard UNIX, RISC 6000, AT&T AS400 under its own operating system and on mainframes unde MVS," that it was comprised of 88 program modules, and that the source code-replete with the Inslaw name throughout the code commentary - was kept by any government that had it.
When asked how a foreign country
could modify the source code without discovering the back door, Hamilton was cryptic: "I don't know what's meant by the back door. What we've been told is that not only the software was sold, but computers with extra chips . . . What the chips do, we've been told, the extra chips, is to broadcast the data inside PROMIS to satellites owned by the NSA . . . but we don't know enough about it as they've never shared anything with us." This possibility perhaps addresses Daniel Brandt's objections that physical access is required for a back door to work.