In Austria, Jorg Haider, leader of the far-right Freedom Party, was briefly a legitimate partner in a coalition government. Haider, known as the "yuppie fascist", was involved with the neo-Nazi movement from his youth, and as an adult, called members of the Waffen SS "decent people of good character." He also praised Hitler's employment policies, and regularly scapegoats immigrants, even going so far as to call for the removal of non-German speaking children from schools. Haider's rise was accompanied by a decline in the popularity of the center-right and center-left parties that have dominated Austrian politics since the end of World War II.
In England, David Copeland terrorized London's gay community with a nail bombing campaign which killed three and injured others. Copeland claimed to be mentally ill. He was obsessed with Nazism and Hitler, and was reportedly a member of Combat 18, a neo-Nazi terrorist organization. One of many underclass wastrels with a checkered past, Copeland was attracted to neo-Nazism because of his own inadequacies and a misreading of Friedrich Nietzsche's "Will to Power." But what keeps a Copeland from becoming a Haider? What keeps the Copelands of England from lifting the British Nationalist Party (BNP) to the heights of Austria's Freedom Party? Lack of parapolitical insight and anti-Nazi activists do.
In the UK, the BNP's rise in the 1970s was fought by an array of labor unions, immigrant groups, and direct action groups like the Anti-Nazi League attacked the fascist threat on the streets themselves. Carnivals, the "Rock Against Racism" movement and good old-fashioned street brawls and neo-Nazi meeting ambushes rounded out anti-Nazi activity in the UK.
Neo-Nazism re-emerged as a threat in the UK and across Europe in the early 1990s. Politicians like Jean-Marie Le Pen in France took advantage of the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the subsequent recession to stake a claim in civil society. In France, Italy, and Russia, far-right and neo-Nazi parties sucked up the middle-class outrage at both the wealthy transnational capitalists and a working class filled with immigrants and organized laborers. Some far-right parties formed coalitions with the center-right mainstream parties and even held influence in government. In Italy, Silvio Berlusconi - who was ousted by former communists in 1996 - will probably regain his place in Italy's government. In the United Kingdon, a council election on the Isle of Dogs went to a BNP member in 1993, but a massive demonstration by the anti neo-Nazi movement fought through police lines to bring down the office. Unemployment on the Isle increased by one soon afterwards.
Direct action hasn't been the only way neo-Nazis are fought. In Germany, neo-Nazi material is banned, and denying the Holocaust is illegal. This hasn't stopped the neo-Nazi movement from gaining ground and from committing deadly acts of terror against immigrant communities.
In the United States, liberals often hold candlelight vigils, silent protests and "unity marches" in response to overt fascism. This hasn't stopped the Republican Party from adopting some of former Klansmen David Duke's policy planks, nor has it ended the rash of racist attacks across the country.
Liberal states often embrace right-wing neo-liberalism when economic troubles loom, and conservative states will use police powers against anti-Nazis and neo-Nazis alike. The way to victory over neo-Nazism is an old, but proven formula: take one neo-Nazi, apply head liberally to sidewalk. Rinse. Repeat. And let the cops and the government watch, so they can see how it can be done. And so they can know who is next.