Millau, France: Jose Bove leads eleven people in the heart of Roquefort country to destroy a McDonald's restaurant before it opens. Hinchley Wood, UK: local residents stage a 552-day occupation of a local pub in order to keep it from being leased to the hamburger chain.
Ankara, Turkey: students at Middle East Technical University organize to shut down a McDonald's on campus, calling the store an example of the "culturelessness of imperialism." Some are arrested and beaten.
Australia: media prankster John Safran dresses up like Ronald McDonald and "vomits" green handkerchiefs as part of a guerilla "kid's show" staged outside a McDonald's. He then registers the business name "McDonald's" in one of the few countries without the Golden Arches: Iraq.
Motivations for the assault on McDonald's range from concerns about meat-eating to import taxes on expensive cheeses, with an array of issues - labor organization, exploitation of children, rainforest protection, genetically modified foods - coming to the fore.
McDonald's entered the crosshairs of activists in the aftermath of the Cold War. In 1990, the McLibel case saw Helen Steel and Dave Morris, two members of London Greenpeace, defended themselves against the corporate giant after they were sued for passing out flyers.
The trial itself, which stretched over two and a half years, was often comical. A witness for the burger chain insisted that McDonald's hamburgers could be considered part of a balanced diet, but later had to admit that eating cellophane could also be considered part of a balanced diet.
Thanks to Britain's strict libel laws, even the court's findings that the chain does "exploit children," deceptively promote their food as "nutritious," and pays very low wages were not sufficient. The McLibel two were told to pay 60 000 pounds in damages. The anti-McDonald's campaign was born.
McDonald's is often seen as a sign of cultural imperialism. Jose Bove, founder of the French Peasant Confederation, turned his trial for vandalism into an indictment of US trade policy, taxes on Roquefort cheese and 'malbouffe' (bad food). Bove's trial was a political powderkeg and media event involving concerts and spectacle, but he was sentenced to three months in prison.
New York Times journalist Thomas Friedman has long touted the supremacy of capitalism's political and economic machine by pointing to McDonald's. The opening of the first store near the Kremlin fed headlines for months, and it is often claimed that no two countries with McDonald's have ever gone to war. By Friedman's geopolitical logic, if the company hadn't waited until 1986 to open the first store in Argentina, the Falkland Islands War may never have happened.
McDonald's is an attractive target for activists because it is easy. With the end of the Cold War, the Left lost its sense of place in history. Instead of marching towards workers' utopia, capitalism was going to be all they had. The world wasn't going to be unified under the red flag, but under the Golden Arches. Unable to get their hands on history and economics, the Left looked for local targets. Luckily, there is a McDonald's within rock-throwing distance of pretty much anywhere. It is easier to trash a storefront than it is to assassinate a President. Handing out flyers with self-evident information on them (does anyone really think Big Macs are healthy?) is much easier than organizing a union.
The McDonald's war allows the Left to act locally while pretending to act globally. Much the same way the anti-McDonald's forces borrow the spectacle of advertising and marketing, they have borrowed the individualism of neoclassical economics.
Fighting capitalism and imperialism used to involve organizing the masses for a brighter future. Now it consists of voting with one's pocketbook and avoiding Big Macs.
Just the way the free market is supposed to work in the first place.